The sociocultural and psychological adaptation of Syrian refugees in Brazil

Recebido em: 30/6/2019. Aprovado em: 08/1/2020. Publicado em: 21/01/2021. Abstract: Considering the challenges of the cultural adaptation process for refugees and the importance of analyzing these in a Latin American context, the present study aimed to investigate the influence of cultural orientations and cultural distance on psychological and sociocultural adaptation of Syrian refugees living in Brazil. Eighty-four adult Syrian refugees, living in Brazil for at least 6 months completed an online survey regarding acculturation variables. Results showed that greater perception of cultural distance was related to lower sociocultural adaptation; higher rates of home culture orientation were related to low psychological and sociocultural adaptation. Having a Brazilian culture orientation was related with better psychological and sociocultural adaptation. The present research has theoretical and practical implications, allowing for a better understanding of some aspects of the adaptation of Syrian refugees in Brazil.

Unfortunately, the assistance and integration of these refugees into Brazilian society are hindered by numerous limitations at arrival (e.g., housing, sociocultural, legal, and psychological issues) (Bógus & Rodrigues, 2011). As it occurs in other countries, refugees arriving to Brazil face systemic challenges and access to support services, which are compounded by limited resources and lack of integration of programs and institutions, leading to a limited scope of services (Bustamante, Leclerc, Mari, & Brietzke, 2016). Although refugees in Brazil may face challenges to accessing some services, they are legally protected, and have a right to medical care and education through the public system (Moreira, 2014

The process of acculturation, psychological and sociocultural adaptation
Historically, migration research has conceptualized the adaptation of migrants to their new cultural and social environment as a diversified and complex process, involving different patterns and strategies (Ward, Bochner, & Furnham, 2001;Titzmann & Fuligni, 2015). The term "culture shock" was coined by Oberg (1960) to describe the feeling of moving to any country that is different from one's country of origin. According to the author, there is an anxiety that comes as a result of the loss of familiar signs and symbols of social relationships that include words, gestures, facial expressions, customs or norms acquired unconsciously in the natural course of growth.
In evaluations of empirical research on cultural shock, Miller (1986) (Kohls, 2001). The extent and results of this "cultural shock" and post-adaptation may depend on many factors, from cultural distancing to migration motivation and expectations.
Migration may cause ruptures in the external cultural structure of individuals, which can also cause ruptures in the person's internal psychological structure (Wiese & Burhorst, 2007). After a move to a new country, reference systems used to understand the world and its relationships are no longer the same; migrants might experience a loss of familiar signs and symbols, of social relationships and status, and of customs or norms that are acquired throughout a lifespan. The prolonged and first-hand contact between individuals or groups of different cultures can result in changes of the original pattern of either host or heritage groups and the adoption of certain aspects of one or both cultures (Sam & Berry, 2006;Redfield, Linton, & Herskovits, 1936). These changes are often referred to as acculturation and can lead to changes in individual and cultural identity (Wiese & Burhorst, 2007). The process of acculturation occurs after immigration, or even after a temporary stay in another country when adjustments to the culture of the host country are made. It is important to mention that social support (Tashima & Torres, 2018), interpersonal relations with members of the host culture (Horenczyk, Jasinskaia-Lahti, Sam & Vedder, 2015), as well as political aspects, tend to influence the process of acculturation (Abraído-Lanza, Echeverría, & Flórez, 2016). Berry (1997)  Although there is not a complete consensus in past research literature, a meta-analysis (Nguyen & Benet-Martínez, 2012) verified that the integrationist orientations-that is, when the home and host cultures are valued and endorsed-are more strongly associated with psychological and sociocultural adaptation. Regarding the other three strategies, marginalization is more often associated with maladaptation, which can lead to serious psychological disorders, including clinical depression, anxiety, and other mental disorders (Berry, 1998).
Other models have expanded Berry's (1998) (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984) and assumes that intercultural encounters can lead to difficulties that lead individuals to experience stress. Among the predictors of psychological wellbeing (Ryff & Singer, 1996), psycho-physical and sociocultural adjustment (Searle & Ward, 1990) are coping strategies, family connection, ethnic and national identity (Phinney, 2003), and acculturation attitudes. Berry's (1998) model of maintenance of the heritage culture and adoption of the receiving culture is incorporated in the model as a mediator.
Similarly, Arends-Tóth and Van de Vijver (2007) developed another framework that also includes acculturation strategies as an intermediate variable between the predictor and adaptation outcomes.
After systematically reviewing various studies and models of acculturation, they presented a compilation of the most frequently described and tested variables in the literature. For these authors, the acculturation process can be better understood by dividing them into acculturation conditions (antecedents), acculturation orientations (strategies), and acculturation outcomes (consequences).
Outcome variables have generally focused on psychological wellbeing (i.e., psychological adaptation), sociocultural competence (i.e., sociocultural adaptation) in heritage cultures, and sociocultural competence in mainstream culture (Searle & Ward, 1990). Simply put, the adaptation of immigrants can be defined as a "fitting in" process in the host society and of good functioning in this new environment (Ward, Bochner, & Furnham, 2001).
This process also includes negotiating various identities that might develop from these lived experiences (LaFromboise, Cole & Gerton, 1993). health, but previous surveys have shown mixed results. A meta-analysis with first-generation immigrants to Canada showed that they tended to have better rates of mental health than their host or home country counterparts (Kirmayer et al., 2011). Other studies have demonstrated that immigrants, when compared to the local population, suffer from higher levels of emotional stress and worse mental health (Aroian & Norris 2002, Ward & Kennedy, 2001. This, however, seems to be particularly the case for refugees (Kirmayer et al., 2011). Low adaptation among immigrants is directly related to high levels of depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, and other psychological problems .
Another important predictor of adaptation and often used in acculturation research is cultural distance, that is, the perceived difference between two cultures. Studies indicate that the greater the difference between cultures, more difficulties are predicted (Demes & Geeraert, 2014). In a study on the adaptation of Brazilians in Japan, an effect of cultural distance in the process of acculturation was also verified (Tashima, 2018).
For some people, the process of acculturation can be smooth and fast, while for others, it can take more time. These individual differences appear to be related to demographic factors such as age, intrapersonal factors such as personality and attitudes, and interpersonal factors such as social and cultural contexts. This process can bring difficulties and psychological distress, but it can also provide opportunities to develop new coping strategies and creative solutions, as well as promote resilience (Wiese & Burhorst, 2007).

Participants
Refugees are non-voluntary migrants who are unable or unwilling to return to his or her home country because of a "well-founded fear of persecution" due to race, membership in a particular social group, political opinion, religion, or national origin and are given refugee status,  Recent studies showed that an Arabic language version we received from the scales' authors are suitable for use with Arabi-speaking students and refuges (Alqahtani & Pfeffer, 2017;Copoc, 2019 d) The Brief Acculturation Strategy Scale was used to measure the strength of cultural orientation (home or host) of parti-cipants. This four-item item scale (four items measured home culture orientation, and four times measured host culture orientation) was rated on a seven-point Likert-type scale (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree; orientation toward home α =.73 & host α =.77). Sample items for home culture orientation were "It is important for me to have Brazilian friends," and "It is important for me to do things the way Brazilians do". Sample items for host culture orientation were "It is important for me to have Syrian friends," and "It is important for me to do things the way Syrians do."

Procedure
In

Ethical Considerations
The present study followed the ethical principles provided by the American Psychological

Results
In order to test the hypotheses of this study, multiple regressions were conducted using the forced entry method. This method was chosen because it did not presuppose, a priori, a difference in importance between the predictor variables inserted in the model (Field, 2013). First, the assumptions for multiple regression models were tested for psychological adaptation (hypothesis 1, 3, and 5) and sociocultural adaptation (hypothesis, 2, 4, and 6) as criterion variables. These assumptions were satisfactorily met. Second, we present the results of the hypothesis testing.
When psychological adaptation was entered as a criterion variable, the independence error assumption (Durbin-Watson Test = 2.07) was within an acceptable parameter (Field, 2013)  Results showed that greater perception of cultural distance and higher levels of home culture orientation had a negative effect on sociocultural adaptation, while a host country orientation had a positive effect (commensurate hypothesis 2, 4, and 6). These results are show in Table 2. Although perceived cultural distance is generally related to more practical issues such as sociocultural adaptation (Tashima, 2018), we found that perceived cultural distance was also related to not only sociocultural adaptation but also psychological adaptation. Berry (1997) hypothesized that perceiving larger differences between host and heritage culture could be a  (Searle & Ward, 1990), and to more struggles in negotiating and integrating multiple identities (Nguyen & Benet-Martínez, 2012).
In this study, we also found that lower psychological and sociocultural adaptation was influenced by greater orientation towards the home culture (Syria Although the sample this size is generally found with similar studies on acculturative populations, especially among refugees, it does present some limitations for further statistical analysis. Also, the sample was collected in the large urban city of São Paulo through a convenience sample and did not allow for regional comparisons. This study may better reflect the experiences of Syrian refugees in urban contexts rather than the acculturative experiences of Syrian refugees in other parts of Brazil (i.e., small cities, rural areas). Future researchers may also wish to direct attention to the particular acculturative differences that may exist in different Brazilian regional contexts or even expand the focus to include refugees from other countries.
Another limitation is the use of a crosssectional design to assess refugee adaptation.
New studies can carry out longitudinal designs